Little Poland’s Next Act

Greenpointers trace a beloved enclave’s colorful past and uncertain future. 

By COLE SINANIAN 

news@queensledger.com 

Izabella Prusaczyk remembers the Pulaski Day parade of her youth. Everyone was out on the street in Greenpoint, speaking Polish, the red and white of the Polish flag painted the faces of the rowdy youngsters and hung out of the cars that did donuts in gas station parking lots. Poles would crowd the delis, subway cars and street corners on Greenpoint, Nassau and Manhattan Avenues, out to show pride for their homeland in what was then America’s preeminent Polish enclave. When her father, Marek, arrived from Poland in the early 1990s, he spoke no English, but had no trouble finding his way in Greenpoint, where he now operates a restaurant called Pyza, named for its specialty in pyzy, a kind of Polish dumpling. 

“It really felt like the city was ours,” Prusaczyk said. 

Polish-American NYU student Sebastian Staskiewicz was born in Greenpoint and spent his early childhood on Diamond Street. The Polish community here back then was tight-knit. He recalls grocery shopping with his Polish grandma, who spoke no English but had no trouble communicating with her neighbors and shopkeepers in the majority Polish-speaking community.  Polish flags hung from storefronts and almost every corner was a Polish-owned bakery,  deli or butcher shop. 

“It was a very friendly community,” he said. “She would push me on a stroller and every block or so we had some sort of friend or relative that we could wave ‘hi’ to at the local deli. For her it was much easier in that sense because she could still use Polish to navigate and live within the US.”

Alain Beugoms, current principal of PS 34 on Norman Ave, was just beginning his teaching career in 2002, and remembers the Greenpoint of this era as one of New York’s most vibrant ethnic enclaves. 

“It was almost like a Chinatown kind of experience,” he said. “Many people on the street speaking Polish, many stores and little restaurants and little shops, bookstores in Polish, all serving the Polish community.” 

In 2025, Greenpoint’s Polish heritage is not so easy to spot. Nowadays, English is more commonly heard than Polish, and many Polish businesses have disappeared, replaced by American chains, cafes and now, cannabis dispensaries. Beloved Polish butcher shops and specialty supermarkets peddling smokey kielbasa, blood sausages and other Polish delicacies have closed their doors as corporate supermarket chains have moved in. Meanwhile, an influx of wealthy professionals who began moving to Williamsburg in the 2000s has spilled over into Greenpoint, while higher housing costs and luxury residential towers have followed,  forever altering the neighborhood’s once working-class, predominantly immigrant character. 

“I always saw someone I knew at the store I’d go to to get deli meats,” Prusaczyk said. “Now it’s a weed dispensary. We’re really on the decline here.” 

“Everything is so expensive now,” continued Prusaczyk, who works with her father and her mother, Grazyna, at Pyza. “People get mad at us for our prices being so high, but I’m like, do you know where you are? There’s avocado toast for $18 down the block.” 

But although many members of Greenpoint’s original Polish community have left — often moving either to the suburbs or back to Poland, where economic conditions have improved drastically since the fall of the Soviet Union — others stayed to raise families with children now growing up as Polish Americans, whose presence continues to influence neighborhood life through their cuisine, customs, and language.

A view inside the Eberhard Faber pencil factory on Kent Street in 1915, after the first peak of Polish migration to Brooklyn in the 1890s. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Historical Society.

 

Poles in America 

Polish immigration to America reached its peak in the 1890s. By the 1920s, more than 2 million Poles had immigrated to the US, according to the Library of Congress. Many of these early arrivals were economic migrants and political refugees, working as steelworkers, miners, meatpackers and autoworkers and congregating in enclaves in America’s industrial centers. 

Later, a subsequent wave of Polish immigrants arrived after the fall of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and 1990s. A New York Times report from 1984 counted 50,000 people of Polish descent living in Greenpoint. These were economic migrants as well, mostly younger, educated people who took low-paying, working class jobs with intentions of saving money and eventually returning to their country once conditions there improved. 

“Our 80s in Poland in the 20th century were truly devastating,” said Mateusz Sakowicz, the Polish Consul General in New York. “There were no products on the shelves and you could barely make ends meet. People had to line up to buy diapers.” 

According to Sakowicz, Greenpoint’s “Little Poland” era peaked in the early-mid 2000s. In addition to gentrification and rising housing costs, Sakowicz partially attributes Little Poland’s decline to Poland’s 2004 entry into the European Union, which brought the country unprecedented economic growth and facilitated easy immigration to other European nations. Since 2004, Polish immigration to the US has slowed to a trickle

“Finally my country has much more to offer, and it’s actually a preferable place to be, in particular if you’re of Polish origin,” Sakowicz said. “And if they were deciding to emigrate, people were choosing different states, closer to home,” he continued. 

Partly as a result of Poland’s economic growth — with the country’s GDP having grown by 300% between 1989 and 2024, according to a report from Wrocław University in Poland — more people of Polish origin are returning to Poland than are leaving the country. 

Meanwhile, many of the Polish economic migrants to Greenpoint of the 1980s have since moved on, having kids in Greenpoint, then purchasing homes outside the city. This is precisely what Staskiewicz’ family did, moving to Linden, New Jersey while Staskiewicz was in elementary school.  Other family members moved to Long Island and Pennsylvania, Staskiewicz said, chasing better affordability and a higher quality of life to raise their families.  Many of Prusaczyk’s childhood friends moved to Masbeth, Middle Village, or further out on Long Island. 

Little Poland lives on 

Like much of Central and Eastern Europe, Poland is a deeply Catholic country. St. Stanislaus Kostka Church on Humboldt Street, founded in 1896, remains a community hub. Staskiewicz attended Sunday mass here with his family as a kid, while Prusaczyk, now in her 30s, regularly goes to mass conducted in Polish by Pastor Grzegorz Markulak. On December 7 at 5:30pm, the church will host a screening of Triumph of the Heart, a Polish language film that tells the story of Maximilian Kolbe, a priest who was killed at the Auschwitz concentration camp. 

Given Poland’s deep Catholicism, it should be unsurprising that Greenpoint’s Polish community is most visible around Christmas and Easter. 

In Polish culture, Christmas is traditionally celebrated on December 24, not December 25. And the Christmas Eve meal contains no meat. The holidays are a busy time at Pyza, Prusaczyk says, with Polish and Polish Americans coming from all over the tri-state area to pick up their special orders. Many are loyal customers who’ve since moved out of Greenpoint, usually to Masbeth or further out on Long Island. One Polish woman named Eva was once a Pyza regular but now lives in Connecticut. Still, she comes without fail every Christmas Eve to order Polish Christmas specialties like krokiety (croquettes), saurkraut, kapusta (cabbage) and mountains of pierogies. Some years, Pyza sells more than 3,000 pierogies over Christmas. 

On Easter, baskets are packed with food and gifts, and local Poles line up outside St. Stanislaus’s to have them blessed by a priest, part of a tradition called  Święconka that dates back to the 7th century. This confuses many tourists and non-Polish Greenpoint residents, Izabella says, who raise their eyebrows at the long line of people carrying their baskets outside the church. 

For Sakowicz, the Polish General Consul, it is the long queues that form around the holidays outside bakeries like Syrena, Cafe Riviera, and others serving Polish bread and pastries, that most remind him of Poland. 

“Maybe they expect communism a little bit,” he said. “Because in communism, there was scarcity of products and oftentimes they’d have to line up for a day and a half.” 

Sakowicz, who’s lived in America since 2011, currently resides on the Upper West Side, although he commutes to Greenpoint regularly to get his haircut at his favorite Polish salon. During the warmer months, he says you’re most likely to hear Polish spoken in Greenpoint during the evening, as the sun is setting over the Manhattan skyline and most people are doing their shopping. 

“You have many Poles that would leave Greenpoint, but still go there every now and then to do a routine,” Sakowicz says. “You have your favorite hairdresser, you want to go and gossip.” 

Izabella Prusaczyk and her father, Marek Prusaczyk. Marek came to Greenpoint from a small town in the north of Poland in the early 90s. He opened Pyza, a Greenpoint staple serving traditional Polish food, in 1993.

New Opportunities 

Back in the 1980s and 1990s, many of the Polish immigrants to Greenpoint took blue collar jobs below their education levels, in fields like construction, manufacturing and caretaking that allowed them to work without English fluency. But nowadays, the comparatively few Polish people coming to New York are of  a different class entirely, Sakowicz says. 

“It’s not a blue collar migration,” he said. “These people that decide to pursue their careers in the US these days are highly qualified, skilled and educated people. We’re talking Wall Street, IT, AI, arts, these kinds of fields of work.” 

And conversely, the Polish government finances internships and visa programs to Americans of Polish origin, offering them the chance to work, live for a while and perhaps emigrate for good to the country of their heritage. This is, of course, much easier if you speak the Polish language.

Along with Staskiewicz, Polish student Max Miniewicz runs the Polish and Eastern European Society at NYU. Originally from Warsaw, Miniewicz came to New York three years ago to study, now getting his Master’s in Economics. The first time he visited Greenpoint, he saw traces of Poland, but did not initially see it as the vibrant Polish enclave he had heard about. 

But as he explored the neighborhood more, its Polish soul started to reveal itself. He recalls a time he took a Polish classmate on a tour around Greenpoint. They got coffee, pastries, and went to a few bookstores, speaking to each other in Polish the whole time. In each of these places, Miniewicz said, as soon as the cashier heard them speaking Polish, they’d start speaking Polish too. This was the case even in American chain restaurants and seemingly non-Polish establishments, suggesting to Miniewicz that much of the Polish community from the golden era of Little Poland remained, but their businesses had been swallowed and absorbed by American establishments. 

“We spent a few hours walking around, and we were shocked by how many places were like this,” Miniewicz said. “I think a lot of those Polish people are still there, but they’re just like kind of hidden and working for American businesses.” 

For Beugoms, the principal at PS 34, language is a key to unlocking the community’s Polish heritage. In 2015, under former principal Carmen Asselta, the school launched its Polish-English dual language program. Now in its eleventh year, about a quarter of the student body is enrolled in the program, Beugoms says. Students progress from kindergarten to fifth grade in a mirrored classroom, with everything written in Polish on one side and English on the other. The bilingual teachers in the program guide students through math, science, social studies and literature in both Polish and English, paying special attention to Polish historical figures like Marie Curie and Copernicus. And every student, Beugoms says, Polish or otherwise, knows what a pierogi or a pączki (donut) is. 

“It unlocks a door to culture,” he said. “Language might appear to be a barrier from someone accessing a new culture, but when you learn, even in small increments, you start to unlock things.” 

Inside PS 34’s Polish-English dual language classrooms, students learn literature, science, math and social studies in both Polish and English, with a special focus on Polish culture.

For some Polish-American parents who’ve lost touch with their heritage, the program provides a new motivation to learn (or re-learn) the language of their family through their children. Beugoms recalls one parent of Polish descent who didn’t grow up speaking Polish. But both of her children are in PS 34’s dual-language program, and for a parent-student read-aloud the school hosted one year, she came ready with a Polish book in-hand. 

“The Polish that she heard as a kid from her grandparents was coming back to her,” Beugoms said. “So she came with a book and said ‘don’t judge me.’”

Although the program is mostly made up of Polish heritage students, many of whom speak Polish at home, others aren’t Polish at all. The school holds a celebration for Polish children’s day on June 1st.  One year, a non-Polish fifth grade student who’d been in the program since kindergarten, gave a presentation on Copernicus, in near-fluent Polish, to a room full of stunned Polish parents. 

 And with more Poles returning to Poland than ever, the program has another purpose: preparing Polish students for life in Poland, should they decide to return. 

“I’ve had students from this program move to Poland, and then the parents write me an email stating how the school in Warsaw was impressed,” Beugoms said. “There’s a lot of opportunity in Poland nowadays, so it’s attracting a lot of folks back.”

NYC Moves to Make Racial Data Equity the Law
City Council Passes Landmark Data Equity Bill


Courtesy CACF

NYC Approves Bill to Expand Race, Ethnicity Reporting

By MOHAMED FARGHALY

mfarghaly@queensledger.com

The New York City Council has passed a landmark bill aimed at improving how city agencies collect and report race and ethnicity data, a move advocates say will bring long-overdue visibility to communities that have been overlooked in public policy.

On October 29, the Coalition for Asian American Children and Families (CACF), Councilmember Shekar Krishnan, and leaders from CACF’s Invisible No More campaign gathered to celebrate the passage of Int. 1134, a measure approved by a 46-vote, veto-proof majority. The legislation establishes citywide standards for collecting disaggregated demographic data across seven of the city’s largest agencies, marking what supporters call a major step forward in representation and equity.

“For the first time, our city will require every major agency to collect and report disaggregated race and ethnicity data, making visibility a matter of law, not choice,” CACF said in a statement following the vote.

Under the bill, agencies will collect data on seven broad racial and ethnic categories — American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black or African American, Hispanic or Latino, Middle Eastern or North African (MENA), Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, and White — while also requiring at least 12 detailed subgroups within each. The law further allows residents to self-identify using write-in options if existing categories do not reflect their background.

Councilmember Shekar Krishnan was the bill’s primary sponsor, joined by 18 co-sponsors including Alexa Avilés, Erik Bottcher, Tiffany Cabán, Carmen De La Rosa, and Lincoln Restler.

“New York City prides itself on being diverse, but we don’t have the data to back it. Our communities, especially our AAPI communities, are treated as a monolith. But after today, that will no longer be the case because the New York City Council is passing my legislation, Intro 1134, and putting an end to city agencies lacking data that is inclusive of the diversity of our city,” said Councilmember Shekar Krishnan, District 25.

Felicia Singh, Director of Policy and Government Relations at CACF, said the measure builds upon years of advocacy dating back to 2016, when Councilmember Daniel Dromm led the city’s first data disaggregation bill. “That was a really pivotal moment for our community, because it gave us the opportunity to really be seen by social services agencies in the city,” Singh said. “Before, they were pulling us into a monolith of being Asian or being pulled into white, if you were from the Middle Eastern, North African community.”

Singh said CACF began to notice city agencies were “not really adapting the law in any meaningful way” and approached Krishnan to strengthen the legislation. “This bill would again collect and report disaggregated race and ethnicity data. It is going to be a mandate, a requirement, and it lays the groundwork for future reforms,” she said.

Under Int. 1134, agencies can use voluntary survey forms or amend existing forms to align with the new standards. “They are also able to amend forms that already collect race and ethnicity demographic data and make sure that those forms are up to the standard of requiring at least 12 detailed subgroups for each category,” Singh explained.

Advocates say the reform will enable policymakers to better identify disparities in access to health care, education, housing, and social services. “The API community is not a monolith,” Singh said. “We’re not all pulled into Asian and identify in this way. This will allow city agencies to say, okay, yes, we serve the Asian community, but who among the Asian community actually has access to the needs of these services so much that they seek these services from these agencies, and then where are the gaps?”

The bill also codifies recognition of the MENA category — a change Singh said is especially meaningful. “We’re also going to be able to have our MENA community seen in the way that they want to be identified and not pulled into white,” she said. “For transnational folks, it’ll be able to still provide that information. If you are transnational, if you’re from the Guyanese community, the Trinidadian community, you’ll be able to write that in and still self-identify in that way as a recognized part of their data collection.”

Singh added that New York’s new system goes beyond federal standards, which still lump transnational and MENA communities into broad “other” or “white” categories. “It’s also a very progressive leap in comparison to the federal government’s standards for race and ethnicity,” she said.

The law’s implementation is expected to begin in 2026, with city agencies required to report and update data every two years. “We’re hoping all of 2026 will be like implementation,” Singh said. “It’s also going to be a potentially new administration, no matter what come November 4. So I think it’s really critical to see how our administration is going to support the implementation of this law.”

Despite the upcoming mayoral transition, Singh expressed confidence that Int. 1134 will become law regardless of political shifts. “We got a veto-proof majority, so that’s wonderful,” she said. “The mayor has a 30-day window to sign. If he does not do anything by the end of December 3, and if it ends up being unsigned, it will automatically be into law.”

Singh said the legislation represents “solidarity around why this was so important to our communities.” She praised Krishnan’s leadership and that of council members on the Government Operations Committee, including Chair Lincoln Restler, for championing the measure. “It demonstrated that you know what, we need to move our city forward in disaggregating the data that we have available, because it helps the City Council themselves serve New Yorkers better with this information,” she said. “So I think it’s a win-win for everyone.”

Singh added that the bill could become a model for other states seeking to advance data equity. “New York is the most progressive when it comes to data in a lot of different ways,” she said. “We’re seeing across the nation as CACF is seen across the nation as leaders in the movement for data equity.”

New Yorkers Rally Across Boroughs for Mamdani’s Historic Victory

From Queens Cafes to Brooklyn Streets, NYC Celebrates Historic Victory

MOHAMED FARGHALY

mfarghaly@queensledger.com

The sound came first, a single cheer that turned into a roar. Then came the tears, the chants, the raised flashlights of hundreds of cellphones at a Queens coffee shop where disbelief turned to jubilation. On Election Night, Astoria native and Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani had just made history, becoming New York City’s first Muslim mayor.

The 34-year-old democratic socialist defeated former Governor Andrew Cuomo and Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa in a race that shattered political expectations and drew more than two million voters — the city’s highest turnout in a mayoral race since 1969.

“New Yorkers are hungry for a different kind of politics, a politics that doesn’t require translation,” Mamdani said months ago during a roundtable with the Queens Ledger. “Ultimately, I want to use every breath I have in every single day of the campaign to talk about how I’m going to make the city more affordable.”

On Tuesday night, that vision became a mandate.

A Grassroots Wave

Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral campaign began late last year with the young, little-known assemblyman knocking on doors, creating viral videos about the rising cost of halal food carts, and even visiting our Queens Ledger office in Woodside to share his vision for the city while polling at just 3 percent. From those humble beginnings, Mamdani’s rise was improbable — a first-term assemblyman who built his campaign from the ground up, moving door to door, from mosque to synagogue, subway stop to rally stage, carrying a message of affordability and inclusion that soon resonated across boroughs.

His campaign promised to freeze rents for nearly two million tenants, make buses fast and free, and provide universal childcare to all families from six weeks to five years old. “The future is in our hands,” Mamdani told a cheering crowd after his victory was called. “My friends, we have toppled a political dynasty.”

Cuomo, backed by President Donald Trump in a rare bipartisan twist, had sought a political comeback three years after resigning from office amid sexual harassment allegations, which he denied. He campaigned on restoring public safety and order, often invoking fear and instability. But his attempt to frame Mamdani’s Muslim and immigrant identity as a liability backfired, fueling a coalition of voters who saw the attack as emblematic of the politics they wanted to leave behind.

Astoria Erupts

At Moka & Co., a Yemeni coffee shop along Steinway Street, hundreds gathered for an Election Night watch party hosted by the Muslim Democratic Club of New York. The crowd, young and old, speaking English, Bangla, and Arabic, erupted when the race was called just after 9:30 p.m.

Passing cars honked. Uncles outside hookah bars leaned into the street, phones outstretched to film the moment. Hijabi girls wearing keffiyehs ran to join the crowd and get on top of cars as chants of “Mamdani!” and “Free Palestine!” filled the air.

It was a scene both local and global, a Queens neighborhood celebrating one of its own, Astoria’s very own Assemblymember and a city witnessing a generational shift in power.

“On 1 January, I will be sworn in as the mayor of New York City. And that is because of you. So before I say anything else, I must say this: thank you. Thank you to the next generation of New Yorkers who refuse to accept that the promise of a better future was a relic of the past.You showed that when politics speaks to you without condescension, we can usher in a new era of leadership. We will fight for you, because we are you. Or, as we say on Steinway, ana minkum wa alaikum,” Mamdani said, opening his victory speech at the Brooklyn Paramount later that night. “Thank you to those so often forgotten by the politics of our city, who made this movement their own. I speak of Yemeni bodega owners and Mexican abuelas. Senegalese taxi drivers and Uzbek nurses. Trinidadian line cooks and Ethiopian aunties. Yes, aunties.”

Brooklyn Lights Up

At Canal Bar in Gowanus, the line to get in was more of a cloud, pressing up against the limits of the sidewalk. As the percentages wavered after 9 p.m., briefly suggesting a strong showing for Cuomo, the patrons inside — a heavily pro-Mamdani crowd — chatted nervously. But when the race was called not long after, the narrow space burst into cheers. An older man jostled his way through with a paper cutout of the mayor-elect, and drinks flowed all around.

An even larger mass of people stood behind the metal barriers outside the Brooklyn Paramount in Downtown, where Mamdani was set to deliver his victory speech. A smaller group perched on the pedestrian island across the street, cheering back at cab drivers who honked in support as they drove by. 

Both clumps listened on phones, shoulder to shoulder, as the Astoria rep laid out his vision for the city. An hour passed; then another. Hasan Piker walked through the scrum. Former Mayor Bill de Blasio emerged with his son. Next came a gaggle of lawmakers that included Congressman Adriano Espaillat, who originally endorsed Cuomo but reconsidered after the primary. A speaker blared and an impromptu dance battle broke out. Members of the anti-Zionist Satmar sect of Judaism waved signs celebrating AIPAC’s failure to unseat the campaign.

Ridgewood Roars

At a watch party hosted by the New York Groove at Ridgewood’s TV Eye, bartenders served up a seemingly endless flow of Tecates and PBRs, in addition to drink specials like the “Rent Freeze” (frozen coquito), the “Red Beret” (frozen spicy mango margarita), and of course, “A City We Can Afford” (PBR and a shot). 

The attendees were largely in their late-20s and early thirties. Many sported beards and donned shirts emblazoned with the blooming rose emblem of the Democratic Socialists of America, to which Mamdani belongs. Others wore orange and blue Mamdani beanies, the iconic “Hot Girls for Zohran” or jerseys with M-A-M-D-A-N-I 25 on the back. Canvassing stories were swapped and new friends were made. A sense of collective responsibility for Mamdani’s success swept the room, not so dissimilar from watching a friend or family member from the bleachers as a gold medal is draped around their neck. Inside, what is usually TV Eye’s dance floor hung a large projector broadcasting live election coverage from Max Rivlin-Nadler and Katie Way of Hell Gate, a Brooklyn independent news outlet. But the real party, however, was outside on the patio, where attendees huddled around their friends’ phones for updates, swapping cigarettes and laughs. At one point, a group decided to pin up an iPhone showing live results to the patio’s back wall. As it grew clearer Mamdani would win the race, the chatter erupted into cheers. People hugged, and pretty soon the whole bar broke into an either hopeful or ominous chant, depending on your perspective: 

“Tax the rich! Tax the rich!” they shouted.

A New Era for New York

Mamdani’s victory sent ripples far beyond the five boroughs, signaling a changing Democratic Party and a rebuke to its centrist establishment. The race, closely watched nationwide, was viewed as a proxy battle between progressive Democrats and the pro-Israel, old-guard wing of the party.

He is set to take office on January 1, 2026, inheriting a city still grappling with housing costs, transit woes, and deep divisions over policing and foreign policy. But for now, his supporters see only possibility.

Most of all, it will be felt by each New Yorker when the city they love finally loves them back. Together, New York, we’re going to freeze the rent together, New York, we’re going to make buses fast and free together, New York, we’re going to deliver universal childcare. Let the words we’ve spoken together, the dreams we’ve dreamt together, become the agenda we deliver together. New York, this power, it’s yours. This city belongs to you.” Mamdani said, closing out his victory speech.

Jack Delaney and Cole Sinanian Contributed to this article.

Community Salutes Service at Veterans Day March

Queens Parade Unites Generations in Veterans Day Pride

The annual Veterans Day Parade marched proudly down Metropolitan Avenue on November 9, honoring service members past and present with a display of patriotism and community spirit. Leading the parade was Grand Marshal Thomas Bullaro, accompanied by his wife of 58 years, Joan. The Sunnyside Drum Corps set the rhythm early on, joined by contingents from the FDNY—including a 9/11-themed fire truck from Fort Totten—and local classic car enthusiasts showcasing vintage vehicles. The parade also featured Boy Scout Troop #427, members of the Vietnam Veterans of America Chapter 32, and the Middle Village Roller Hockey League, bringing together generations in tribute.

Elected officials and community figures joined the festivities, including State Senator Joseph Addabbo, Congresswoman Grace Meng, Councilman Robert Holden, and Councilman-elect Phil Wong. Spectators lined the route waving flags, cheering as students from Francis Lewis High School, Cub Scout Pack #106, and other groups marched by. From the patriotic spirit of local families to the musical finale by Maspeth Savings Bank proclaiming “I’m a Yankee Doodle Dandy,” the day celebrated unity, remembrance, and pride in the neighborhood’s enduring support for its veterans.

Photos by Walter Karling

Queens Students Honor Veterans With Portraits


Veterans and Students Share Stories Through Art

By MOHAMED FARGHALY

mfarghaly@queensledger.com

In the main hallway of Our Lady of Hope Catholic Academy, a row of watercolor portraits now hangs in tribute to 11 local veterans — each brushstroke telling a story of service, sacrifice, and connection. The artwork, created by seventh graders, culminates weeks of collaboration between students and veterans who shared their personal experiences in a project designed to bring history to life.

The project began in September when students met with veterans from the community to conduct interviews and sketch portraits based on their conversations. Under the guidance of art teacher Carmel Ann Caputo and English teacher Pat Honan, students later transformed their drawings into watercolor paintings and wrote biographical essays reflecting the veterans’ lives and service.

Principal Kara McCarthy said the idea was inspired by George W. Bush’s Portraits of Courage, a book of paintings honoring America’s veterans. “We had this idea last year,” McCarthy said. “Unfortunately, it was my first year in the building, so we decided to put it into motion this year. We got in touch with our local VFW and asked them for some vets to volunteer their time, where we could pair up the students and the veterans, and where they can interview them, ask them some questions about their life experiences, and then take some time to sketch them.”

For McCarthy, the project was more than an art lesson. “This is a piece of living history,” she said. “You can’t get this from a history book. You can’t get this from watching videos online. This is firsthand account of what happened—these people’s experiences when they left to go to war and what they faced when they came back.”

Caputo said she wanted the students to appreciate both the artistic and human elements of the experience. “There is a book by George W. Bush called Portraits of Courage,” she said. “So I explained that book to my students about how he used to sketch veterans. Then, in early September, we had veterans come in, we interviewed them, we sketched them, we took photos. And up until now, they were able to sketch the self-portrait and use watercolor paint.”

She guided students through techniques such as shading, proportion, and layering. “So today we are doing the portrait reveal,” Caputo said at the showcase. “Veterans were invited back with their family members and students with their family members to come back and see the finished piece of artwork, which is displayed in a hallway.”

Veteran Sean Baltrusitis, commanding officer of Veterans of Foreign Wars Post 551 and a two-time Iraq War veteran, called the experience “a great partnership.” “Our Lady of Hope Catholic Academy always answers the call when we have youth programs,” Baltrusitis said. “These young patriots are so filled with patriotism, and they just grasp me for information. They just want to know what it was like during my time. I always tell people freedom isn’t free, and a lot of people forget about that sometimes.”

For students like seventh grader Julia Mace, the project was both intimidating and rewarding. “When we first found out about it, I was a little nervous, worried about talking to a veteran who served our country,” she said. “But after the project, when I realized that even I drew it and if it was bad, it was still going to be for a good cause, I realized that it was okay.”

Mace’s portrait depicted veteran Tammy Garcia, who served in the Iraq War. “We learned that she was one of the youngest people to join the military,” Mace said. “She was 16 when she first fully joined, and she served in the Iraq War. She said it was hard, and she was nervous, and she wasn’t sure why, but she realized that it was for a good reason.”

The final showcase, sponsored by Maspeth Federal Savings, brought together the veterans, students, and their families for a gallery viewing, pizza, and ice cream. McCarthy said the school hopes to make the event an annual tradition.

“It’s definitely been making a memorable impact on their lives,” she said. “Something that they will take with them as they move forward.”

Why Riders of the Q14 Are Unhappy Right Now

Emily Smith

Passengers board the Q14 bus in Elmhurst, Queens.

On Hoffman Drive in Elmhurst, Queens, where bus riders had been waiting for upwards of 45 minutes for the Q14 bus, the line of passengers extended for a block and a half, earlier this October.

“People get tired of waiting and they walk for one hour,” rider Yang Lama, 35, said.

The Q14 is a creation of the Queens Bus Network Redesign, which was completed by the M.T.A. after a six-year planning process. It was implemented over the summer, in two phases, one on June 29, which included the creation of the Q14, and the other on Aug. 31. According to the Queens Bus Network Redesign page on the M.T.A. website, the plan intended to decrease travel times and increase bus frequency.

But bus riders who used to ride the Q38 bus line to travel through Middle Village, Elmhurst, Corona and Rego Park are not happy since the route was split into two to create the Q14.

“In the beginning it was fine, but it’s getting worse and worse,” said Tashi Tsering, 46, as translated by Lama.

Charlton D’Souza, president of the public transportation advocacy group, Passengers United, said the redesign has increased reports of bus bunching, which happens when multiple buses on the same line get delayed in traffic and end up one behind another.

D’Souza said that elderly and disabled people are especially affected by the bus route redesign. They are being asked, in many cases, to walk longer distances to their bus stops, due to stop removals and changes, “only for three buses to come together, and then there’s no bus for 45, 50 minutes.”

“They don’t live in our communities,” he said of M.T.A. planners. “They don’t understand our communities.”

Tsering said that he had been waiting for 45 minutes for the bus, and then, moments later, three Q14 buses appeared within five minutes.

The M.T.A. said, “The original loop configuration saw limited end-to-end travel,” which led to their decision to split the route.

Metropolitan Avenue and Mount Olivet Crescent bus stop, serving the Q38 bus, a block from Hess-Miller Funeral home, owned by Anthony Martino.

Funeral home owner, Anthony Martino, said that the M.T.A. has also removed stops along the remaining Q38 line, one which is in front of his business.

“We have two or three blocks in every direction where people utilize this bus stop,” said Martino.

The M.T.A. decided to keep a stop a block away instead. This stop sits in front of a cemetery, on the side of a busy, four-lane avenue. “At night, you wouldn’t want to be standing on that corner by yourself,” said Martino.

Donna Giordano, 68, used to ride the Q38 bus regularly to visit her daughter. She said she’s had to change her bus route completely. She said, “What used to be a 15-minute trip, is now an hour.”

Giordano used to board the Q38 bus on Metropolitan Avenue, where it would take her up Fresh Pond Road to Eliot Avenue and drop her off only a block and a half from her daughter’s home. Now, the Q38 only runs up and down Metropolitan Avenue, and riders have to walk the two blocks up Fresh Pond Road, to catch the Q14, which will bring them to the stops on Eliot Avenue.

“The M.T.A. may not think that two blocks is a lot, but it is a lot when you’re a senior citizen,” Giordano said.

The M.T.A. said that they weren’t able to connect the routes due to limited layover space and congestion on Fresh Pond Road. They said, “Bringing the routes even closer together would require coordination with the city.”

The last borough to get a redesign from the M.T.A. was the Bronx, in 2022. According to the Bronx Bus Network Redesign Six Month Evaluation, residents only received weekday speed increases of 4% on changed routes, and 2% borough-wide.

The M.T.A. is set to evaluate the changes in Queens over the next six months. They said the evaluation will “inform potential adjustments.” Still, residents are worried about the coming winter months. Lama said, “Now it’s winter time we hope there will be change.”

The Brooklyn Bus Route redesign is in its planning stages. Looking ahead to that project, D’Souza said, “Get ready, and fight like hell.”

New York City Needs a Smarter Path to Affordable Housing

Ericka Keller

New York City’s housing shortage is worsening every day, yet the very processes designed to bring relief often delay or derail the affordable housing projects we need most. As a developer who has spent years working to create housing for seniors, working families and low-income New Yorkers of all backgrounds, I have seen firsthand how bureaucracy, politics and “not in my backyard” resistance can stand in the way of progress. This is why I strongly support the Charter Revision Commission’s proposal to establish a fast-track Uniform Land Use Review Process (ULURP) for affordable housing, which would be a lifeline for New Yorkers who are waiting far too long for homes they deserve.

Too often, local opposition focuses on the immediate block or neighborhood without considering the greater good of the city. Elected officials, pressured by constituents with narrow concerns, respond in ways that may protect the preferences of a few but ultimately harm the needs of many. At a time when families are being priced out, seniors are aging without safe and stable options and young people are leaving the city because they cannot afford to stay, we cannot allow vocal opposition from a handful of neighbors to dictate the city’s future.

Take the Dr. and Lady Alfred Cockfield (DLAC) Senior Residences in Arverne on the Rockaway Peninsula. This project, a joint venture with God’s Battalion of Prayer, promised 83 units of senior housing and a 71,000-square-foot charter school. The community asked for it. The city needed it. And yet, nine years later, we are still fighting through bureaucratic twists and turns. We should have had 83 seniors in dignified housing years ago. Instead, the project has been mired in layers of process that add no value to the residents we seek to serve.

This is not an isolated case. It is emblematic of the larger problem: a system that rewards obstruction and delay, and in doing so, supports structural inequities that keep vulnerable communities from accessing safe, affordable homes.

What makes this even more frustrating is that the delays are often not the result of a project’s merits but of technicalities. The current ULURP and other procedures needed to facilitate the
creation of affordable housing in New York City are riddled with requirements that are opaque, overly burdensome, and — whether intentional or not — discriminatory. When applications are rejected not because the project is unworthy but because of process technicalities, something is deeply broken. It becomes less about whether we are building the housing people need and more about whether we can navigate a bureaucratic maze designed to slow us down. Every delay translates into another winter without stable shelter for a senior, another family doubled up in overcrowded conditions, another child growing up without the stability that a permanent home provides.

The Charter Revision Commission’s proposals, particularly the fast-track ULURP, are about more than speed. They are about creating a system that works for all New Yorkers, not just for those who can afford to fight the longest or shout the loudest. A streamlined process would allow projects like the DLAC Senior Residences to move forward in months rather than years. It would also bring greater transparency, ensuring that decisions are made based on the needs of the broader city, not just on the political calculations of a few.

I support these reforms not only because they will make my job as a developer more effective, but because they will make our city more just. Every New Yorker deserves the dignity of a safe, affordable home, and our government should make that easier, not harder, to deliver that. These proposals are a step toward equity, toward dismantling the systemic barriers that have quietly reinforced exclusion for decades, and toward a more transparent process that prioritizes people over politics.

Questions 2 through 5 on New Yorkers’ ballots seek to fast-track approvals, accelerate small-scale projects, establish a Housing Appeals Board to prevent political delays, and replace outdated paper maps with a modern digital system. Together, these reforms cut red tape, streamline planning, and make it easier to build the homes New Yorkers need.

This November, voters will decide on these proposals. Supporting them means supporting seniors, families, and the city’s future. It’s a vote for equity, progress, and people over bureaucracy. For too long, red tape and local opposition have stalled affordable housing. It’s time to clear the path and build the homes New Yorkers urgently need.

Ericka Keller is the Managing Member of Brisa Builders Development.

Democratic Socialism is Coming to Your Neighborhood

Robert Hornak

Robert Hornak is a veteran political consultant who has previously served as the Deputy Director of the Republican Assembly Leader’s NYC office and as Executive Director of the Queens Republican Party. He can be reached at rahornak@gmail. com and @roberthornak on X.

Zohran Mamdani is going to be the next mayor of New York City, after possibly one of the most consequential elections in city history, that saw over two million voters in this off year election – around twice the number that voted four years ago.

Now, the just under 50% that voted against him are bracing to see what happens next, to see if he becomes the existential threat to NYC’s economy and western values that so many believe he will be.

Here is what we know for sure. Mamdani will become the most powerful elected socialist in the country, and he plans to use that power to grow his movement based on communist principles (that he has espoused for years) and opposition to Israel.

At a rally of around 3,000 people during the campaign Mamdani said he is leading a “movement that won the battle over the soul of the Democratic Party” and that “We are not afraid of our own ideas. For too long we have tried not to lose. Now it is time that we win.”

Of course, by winning he only means to double down on the failed policies that Democrats have given NYC for decades, policies that he says were only half measures. Apparently, we have only experienced half the failure he has in mind.

His campaign is boasting 100,000 people who signed up to volunteer for his campaign, an impressive achievement that the DSA, which currently has around 12,000 members in NYC (80,000 nationally), is planning to work on recruiting into their movement along with the advocacy group Our Time for an Affordable NY, which is essentially nothing more than arm of the DSA.

According to prominent Democratic political consultant Hank Sheinkopf, “Anyone who thinks the DSA is out to help the Democratic Party needs to see a psychiatrist,” and continued that the DSA is “about killing the Democratic Party and making it into a DSA operation. The Democratic Party is like a dead carcass. There’s nothing there.”

We will know very quickly if Sheinkopf is right as the DSA prepares to challenge a number of elected Democrats in primaries next year. They already have their sights set on NYC Congressmen Hakeem Jeffries and Dan Goldman and will likely go after a number of state legislative seats as well.

They already hold a handful of city council and state legislative seats in northwest Queens and downtown Brooklyn. They could add substantially to those numbers, and should they win both congressional primaries, they would triple the DSA delegation in DC from the city, giving AOC – who helped launch this movement with her shocking primary win in 2018 – more allies to push the DSA’s agenda nationally.

The big question then becomes; can the DSA be stopped? And while it’s too early to predict the ultimate outcome, a lot is now riding on Mamdani’s success or failure in the next four years. When you win making big promises, you are expected to deliver in a big way.

Will Mamdani make rents more affordable in a way that matters, or will this just be more of the same failure, like when de Blasio froze the rent on regulated apartments three times, but it didn’t make anything better. Can he deliver on free buses, and how does that make them faster (won’t more riders make them slower)?

The DSA is banking on Mamdani’s success, but there’s plenty of reason to believe that, even should he get a large part of his agenda enacted, which is far from likely, he is also unlikely to achieve the results promised, which ultimately is what really matters. Affordability is surely going to be a major issue in NYC for years to come, and promises of free buses and childcare, or rent freezes (for a few, increases for the rest) and discounted food, won’t be the success they hope for.

And as their followers are disappointed, things will change. But in the meantime, they will elect many candidates locally, making the same hollow promises, and pushing socialist/communist policies across NYC while bringing a reckoning for the Democratic establishment, the real target for the DSA.

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